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A People's History of the United States: 1492 to Present

A People's History of the United States: 1492 to Present



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Chapter One

Columbus, the Indians, and Human Progress

Arawak men and women, naked, tawny, and full of wonder, emerged from their villages onto the island's beaches and swam out to get a closer look at the strange big boat. When Columbus and his sailors came ashore, carrying swords, speaking oddly, the Arawaks ran to greet them, brought them food, water, gifts. He later wrote of this in his log:

They . . . brought us parrots and balls of cotton and spears and many other things, which they exchanged for the glass beads and hawks' bells, They willingly traded everything they owned . . . They were well-built, with good bodies and handsome features . . . They do not bear arms, and do not know them, for I showed them a sword, they took it by the edge and cut themselves out of ignorance. They have no iron. Their spears are made of cane . . . They would make fine servants . . . With fifty men we could subjugate them all and make them do whatever we want.

These Arawaks of the Bahama Islands were much like Indians on the mainland, who were remarkable (European observers were to say again and again) for their hospitality, their belief in sharing. These traits did not stand out in the Europe of the Renaissance, dominated as it was by the religion of popes, the government of kings, the frenzy for money that marked Western civilization and its first messenger to the Americas, Christopher Columbus.

Columbus wrote: As soon as I arrived in the Indies, on the first Island which I found, I took some of the natives by force in order that they might learn and might give me information of whatever there is in these parts.

The information that Columbus wanted most was: Where is the gold? He had persuaded the king and queen of Spain to finance an expedition to the lands, the wealth, he expected would be on the other side of the Atlantic--the Indies and Asia, gold and spices. For, like other informed people of his time, he knew the world was round and he could sail west in order to get to the Far East.

Spain was recently unified, one of the new modem nation-states, like France, England, and Portugal. Its population, mostly poor peasants, worked for the nobility, who were 2 percent of the population and owned 95 percent of the land. Spain had tied itself to the, Catholic Church, expelled all the Jews, driven out the Moors. Like other states of the modem world, Spain sought gold, which was becoming the new mark of wealth, more useful than land because it could buy anything.

There was gold in Asia, it was thought, and certainly silks and spices, for Marco Polo and others had brought back marvelous things from their overland expeditions centuries before. Now that the Turks had conquered Constantinople and the eastern Mediterranean, and controlled the land routes to Asia, a sea route was needed. Portuguese sailors were working their way around the southern tip of Africa. Spain decided to gamble on a long sail across an unknown ocean.

In return for bringing back gold and spices, they promised Columbus 10 percent of the profits, governorship over new-found lands, and the fame that would go with a new title: Admiral of the Ocean Sea. He was a merchant's clerk from the Italian city of Genoa, part-time weaver (the son of a skilled weaver), and expert sailor. He set out with three sailing ships, the largest of which was the Santa Maria, perhaps 100 feet long, and thirty-nine crew members.

Columbus would never have made it to Asia, which was thousands of miles farther away than he had calculated, imagining a smaller world. He would have been doomed by that great expanse of sea. But he was lucky. One-fourth of the way there he came upon an unknown, uncharted land that lay between Europe and Asia--the Americas. It was early October 1492, and thirty-three days since he and his crew had left the Canary Islands, off the Atlantic coast of Africa. Now they saw branches and sticks floating in the water. They saw flocks of birds. These were signs of land. Then, on October 12, a sailor called Rodrigo saw the early morning moon shining on white sands, and cried out. It was an island in the Bahamas, the Caribbean sea. The first man to sight land was supposed to get a yearly pension of 10,000 maravedis for life, but Rodrigo never got it. Columbus claimed he had seen a light the evening before. He got the reward.

So, approaching land, they were met by the Arawak Indians, who swam out to greet them. The Arawaks lived in village communes, had a developed agriculture of corn, yams, cassava. They could spin and weave, but they had no horses or work animals. They had no iron, but they wore tiny gold ornaments in their ears.

This was to have enormous consequences: it led Columbus to take some of them aboard ship as prisoners because he insisted that they guide him to the source of the gold. He then sailed to what is now Cuba, then to Hispaniola (the island which today consists of Haiti and the Dominican Republic). There, bits of visible gold in the rivers, and a gold mask presented to Columbus by a local Indian chief, led to wild visions of gold fields.

On Hispaniola, out of timbers from the Santa Maria, which had run aground, Columbus built a fort, the first European military base in the Western Hemisphere. He called it Navidad (Christmas) and left thirty-nine crewmembers there, with instructions to find and store the gold. He took more Indian prisoners and put them aboard his two remaining ships. At one part of the island he got into a fight with Indians who refused to trade as many bows and arrows as he and his men wanted. Two were run through with swords and bled to death. Then the Nina and the Pinta set sail for the Azores and Spain. When the weather turned cold, the Indian prisoners began to die...

(Continues...)

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Excerpted from "A People's History of the United States" by Howard Zinn. Copyright (C) 2005 by Howard Zinn. Excerpted by permission. All rights reserved. No part of this excerpt may be reproduced or reprinted without permission in writing from the publisher. Excerpts are provided by Dial-A-Book Inc. solely for the personal use of visitors to this web site.

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Amazon User Reviews

Amazon Rating A People's History of the United States, 1492 to Present Sep/01/2010

Howard Zinn captures the history of America that is left out of classrooms. A People's History of the United States could be used as a textbook or a "start to finish", either way it is very informative and entertaining.

by Josh Schulman ()

Amazon Rating Ramblings Aug/29/2010

Howard Zinn writes from a left liberal view. He comes from a fading generation of workers, educated after WW2 via the GI bill.He is also the son of immigrants.
His writing is not the best,nor is it impeccably researched.
US history has a dark side. Benefits always come with some hidden costs.
Do the good points outweigh the bad? That is a judgment for the individual to make. I think this book does make one question some of the common mantras about our country.
I guess communism as an alternative to capitalism has been disproved. Global capitalism ,as we know, will have some tremendous costs to our nation. Will the average American benefit in the long run? Judging by the unemployment rate and dicky finances of today,I doubt it.

by liberty man (Balltown,ME.)

Amazon Rating Should join the Gideon Bible in the other hotel room drawer Aug/29/2010

Howard Zinn lays it on the line, and tells us the history that our teachers did not (would not, or could not) teach us. Its a long read, but its not meant to be entertaining. This is NOT WRITTEN FROM THE PERSPECTIVE OF THE WINNERS, so be prepared. What else can I say? Buy it and keep it on your shelf.

by aj medina ()

Amazon Rating Caveat Emptor Aug/27/2010

Peopls's History of the United States is an excellent narration of the marginal movements and peoples in the formation of the United States. If we hold that history is written (and distorted) by the winners, then the formal historical narrative of this country, starting with Columbus's discovery, the Indian wars, Manifest Destiny, Slavery, Civil War, Civil rights, and so on, requires a reading that is less involved with how these events have been traditionally presented, and more with how they were shaped and perceived by ordinary people people at the time. It is this comprehensive revision that Zinn attempts. Zinn ignores the traditional narrative of the building of America as a social experiment founded on Lockean ideas, a just and moral nation, which held the rights of man as an absolute, and which self corrected the various existential flaws with a long internal struggle, the height of which was the Civil war, ostensibly fought to end slavery. He attacks this mainstream view with a blinding zeal, focusing on the iniquities of the slave trade, the hypocrisy and deception of Manifest destiny and what it meant for the existing Mexican and Indian nations, the hypocrisy of the American political system and how the rich have always managed to usurp it for their benefits, the empty victory of Lincoln's war and how Jim Crow laws were the reality instead of the promises of the Emancipation Proclamation and the 13th amendment, the poverty in the cities and the cornering of the resources by the rich, abject sub-human working conditions, the struggles of the suffragette movements, the countless worker/trade union/socialist movements who fought for the ordinary worker at the turn of the last century, the shaping of political thought leading to the building of the American Empire and the popular revolt against the establishment in the 60s.

This work becomes a required reading not only because of the different paradigm it uses to approach the history of an essentially revolutionary nation - chronicling incidents from the lives of ordinary people, focusing on small revolts, strikes, personal letters and memoirs, than on national leaders and their wars and treaties, but also because it fulfills a real gap that exists in the self awareness of this country. It is easy enough to be blinded by glory of the Declaration of Independence, the constitution and the myth of the American dream, and forget that the reality of this republic is not a passive system of just rights and laws, but a continuous dialectic, often with violent participation by the politically and economically oppressed. Racial and ethnic assimilation, rights for all men, and women, safety regulations at workplaces, are all privileges that were won by hard struggles, often violent revolts and strikes. The system, influenced by the strong special interests, did everything to oppose these movements, and it is in painting a realistic picture of this tussle that Zinn shines.

One can't be neutral on a moving train, Zinn is reputed to have said. And it's important to keep this in mind while reading this text. Zinn has an obvious and unabashed left of center ideological slant, and one is left with a work that shouldn't be read in isolation, but as a counterweight to the eulogies of flag and freedom that abound not only on the right, but in a simpler form, comprise the bulwark of American nationalism. Zinn's complaints are mostly moral, and they express a yearning for a Political idealism that has never existed. To the extent that this is interpreted as the progressive's dissatisfaction with the amoral realpolitik, it's understandable. But Zinn seems to hit at the fundamentals of a participatory system itself. He consistently accuses the democratic system of sapping the exuberant energy of mass movements, by chaneling it into the party system, though this can be seen as an act of incorporating the movement's goals, with a compromise, and making them mainstream. Anyone who has lived through major legislative changes, like the recent passage of universal Health care, is privy to the pangs of democracy, and how inducing changes in such a setup is no easy task, especially when the changes are ambitious and people's fears are easily exploitable. Zinn does not spend much time on such fundamentals, and how this might reflect a beautifully crafted system, that checks itself from leaning towards a tyranny of the right or the left. Zinn appears to be a leaning towards a dictatorship of the people, boldly implementing his progressive morality. This is probably the weakest point of Zinn's political expression, and his critique of the Americal electoral system.

by Nippun (California, USA)

Amazon Rating A real eye opener! Aug/21/2010

A fantastic book! This is the history we should have had in school. It tells the story of our country from the viewpoint of the common man.

by Chicago Admirer (Elmwood Pk, IL USA)

Washington Post Review

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