Chapter One
Outlier, noun.
out-li-er
[out-lahy-er]
1 : something that is situated away from or classed differently from a main or related body
2 : a statistical observation that is markedly different in value from the others of the sample
1. Roseto Valfortore lies one hundred miles southeast of Rome, in the Apennine foothills of the Italian province of Foggia. In the style of medieval villages, the town is organized around a large central square. Facing the square is the Palazzo Marchesale, the palace of the Saggese family, once the great landowner of those parts. An archway to one side leads to a church, the Madonna del Carmine-Our Lady of Mount Carmine. Narrow stone steps run up the hillside, flanked by closely-clustered two-story stone houses with red tile roofs.
For centuries, the paesani of Roseto worked in the marble quarries in the surrounding hills, or cultivated the fields in the terraced valley below, walking four and five miles down the mountain in the morning and then making the long journey back up the hill at night. It was a hard life. The townsfolk were barely literate and desperately poor and without much hope for economic betterment-until word reached Roseto at the end of the nineteenth century of the land of opportunity across the ocean.
In January of 1882, a group of eleven Rosetans-ten men and one boy-set sail for New York. They spent their first night in America sleeping on the floor of a tavern on Mulberry Street, in Manhattan's Little Italy. Then they ventured west, ending up finding jobs in a slate quarry ninety miles west of the city in Bangor, Pennsylvania. The following year, fifteen Rosetans left Italy for America, and several members of that group ended up in Bangor as well, joining their compatriots in the slate quarry. Those immigrants, in turn, sent word back to Roseto about the promise of the New World, and soon one group of Rosetans after another packed up their bags and headed for Pennsylvania, until the initial stream of immigrants became a flood. In 1894 alone, some twelve hundred Rosetans applied for passports to America, leaving entire streets of their old village abandoned.
The Rosetans began buying land on a rocky hillside, connected to Bangor only by a steep, rutted wagon path. They built closely clustered two story stone houses, with slate roofs, on narrow streets running up and down the hillside. They built a church and called it Our Lady of Mount Carmel, and named the main street on which it stood Garibaldi Avenue, after the great hero of Italian unification. In the beginning, they called their town New Italy. But they soon changed it to something that seemed more appropriate, given that in the previous decade almost all of them had come from the same village in Italy. They called it Roseto.
In 1896, a dynamic young priest-Father Pasquale de Nisco-took over at Our Lady of Mount Carmel. De Nisco set up spiritual societies and organized festivals. He encouraged the townsfolk to clear the land, and plant onions, beans, potatoes, melons and fruit trees in the long backyards behind their houses. He gave out seeds and bulbs. The town came to life. The Rosetans began raising pigs in their backyard, and growing grapes for homemade wine. Schools, a park, a convent and a cemetery were built. Small shops and bakeries and restaurants and bars opened along Garibaldi Avenue. More than a dozen factories sprang up, making blouses for the garment trade. Neighboring Bangor was largely Welsh and English, and the next town over was overwhelmingly German, which meant-given the fractious relationships between the English and Germans and Italians, in those years-that Roseto stayed strictly for Rosetans: if you wandered up and down the streets of Roseto in Pennsylvania, in the first few decades after 1900, you would have heard only Italian spoken, and not just any Italian but the precise southern, Foggian dialect spoken back in the Italian Roseto. Roseto Pennsylvania was its own tiny, self-sufficient world-all but unknown by the society around it-and may well have remained so but for a man named Stewart Wolf.
Wolf was a physician. He studied digestion and the stomach, and taught in the medical school at the University of Oklahoma. He spent summers at a farm he'd bought in Pennsylvania. His house was not far from Roseto-but that, of course, didn't mean much since Roseto was so much in its own world that you could live one town over and never know much about it. "One of the times when we were up there for the summer-this would have been in the late 1950's, I was invited to give a talk at the local medical society," Wolf said, years later, in an interview. "After the talk was over, one of the local doctors invited me to have a beer. And while we were having a drink he said, 'You know, I've been practicing for seventeen years. I get patients from all over, and I rarely find anyone from Roseto under the age of sixty-five with heart disease.'"
Wolf was skeptical. This was the 1950's, years before the advent of cholesterol lowering drugs, and aggressive prevention of heart disease. Heart attacks were an epidemic in the United States. They were the leading cause of death in men under the age of sixty-five. It was impossible to be a doctor, common sense said, and not see heart disease. But Wolf was also a man of deep curiosity. If somebody said that there were no heart attacks in Roseto, he wanted to find out whether that was true.
Wolf approached the mayor of Roseto and told him that his town represented a medical mystery. He enlisted the support of some of his students and colleagues from Oklahoma. They pored over the death certificates from residents of the town, going back as many years as they could. They analyzed physicians' records. They took medical histories, and constructed family genealogies. "We got busy," Wolf said. "We decided to do a preliminary study. We started in 1961. The mayor said-all my sisters are going to help you. He had four sisters. He said, 'You can have the town council room.' I said, 'Where are you going to have council meetings?' He said, 'Well, we'll postpone them for a while.' The ladies would bring us lunch. We had little booths, where we could take blood, do EKGs. We were there for four weeks. Then I talked with the authorities. They gave us the school for the summer. We invited the entire population of Roseto to be tested."
The results were astonishing. In Roseto, virtually no one under 55 died of a heart attack, or showed any signs of heart disease. For men over 65, the death rate from heart disease in Roseto was roughly half that of the United States as a whole. The death rate from all causes in Roseto, in fact, was something like thirty or thirty-five percent lower than it should have been.
Wolf brought in a friend of his, a sociologist from Oklahoma named John Bruhn, to help him. "I hired medical students and sociology grad students as interviewers, and in Roseto we went house to house and talked to every person aged twenty one and over," Bruhn remembers. This had happened more than fifty years ago but Bruhn still had a sense of amazement in his voice as he remembered what they found. "There was no suicide, no alcoholism, no drug addiction, and very little crime. They didn't have anyone on welfare. Then we looked at peptic ulcers. They didn't have any of those either. These people were dying of old age. That's it."
Wolf's profession had a name for a place like Roseto-a place that lay outside everyday experience, where the normal rules did not apply. Roseto was an outlier.
2. Wolf's first thought was that the Rosetans must have held on to some dietary practices from the old world that left them healthier than other Americans. But he quickly realized that wasn't true. The Rosetans were cooking with lard, instead of the much healthier olive oil they used back in Italy. Pizza in Italy was a thin crust with salt, oil, and perhaps some tomatoes, anchovies or onions. Pizza in Pennsylvania was bread dough plus sausage, pepperoni, salami, ham and sometimes eggs. Sweets like biscotti and taralli used to be reserved for Christmas and Easter; now they were eaten all year round. When Wolf had dieticians analyze the typical Rosetan's eating habits, he found that a whopping 41 percent of their calories came from fat. Nor was this a town where people got up at dawn to do yoga and run a brisk six miles. The Pennsylvanian Rosetans smoked heavily, and many were struggling with obesity.
If it wasn't diet and exercise, then, what about genetics? The Rosetans were a close knit group, from the same region of Italy, and Wolf next thought was whether they were of a particularly hardy stock that protected them from disease. So he tracked down relatives of the Rosetans who were living in other parts of the United States, to see if they shared the same remarkable good health as their cousins in Pennsylvania. They didn't.
He then looked at the region where the Rosetans lived. Was it possible that there was something about living in the foothills of Eastern Pennsylvania that was good for your health? The two closest towns to Roseto were Bangor, which was just down the hill, and Nazareth, a few miles away. These were both about the same size as Roseto, and populated with the same kind of hard-working European immigrants. Wolf combed through both towns' medical records. For men over 65, the death rates from heart disease in Nazareth and Bangor were something like three times that of Roseto. Another dead end.
What Wolf slowly realized was that the secret of Roseto wasn't diet or exercise or genes or the region where Roseto was situated. It had to be the Roseto itself. As Bruhn and Wolf walked around the town, they began to realize why. They looked at how the Rosetans visited each other, stopping to chat with each other in Italian on the street, or cooking for each other in their backyards. They learned about the extended family clans that underlay the town's social structure. They saw how many homes had three generations living under one roof, and how much respect grandparents commanded. They went to Mass at Our Lady of Mt. Carmel Church and saw the unifying and calming effect of the church. They counted twenty-two separate civic organizations in a town of just under 2000 people. They picked up on the particular egalitarian ethos of the town, that discouraged the wealthy from flaunting their success and helped the unsuccessful obscure their failures.
In transplanting the paesani culture of southern Italy to the hills of eastern Pennsylvania the Rosetans had created a powerful, protective social structure capable of insulating them from the pressures of the modern world. The Rosetans were healthy because of where they were from, because of the world they had created for themselves in their tiny little town in the hills.
"I remember going to Roseto for the first time, and you'd see three generational family meals, all the bakeries, the people walking up and down the street, sitting on their porches talking to each other, the blouse mills where the women worked during the day, while the men worked in the slate quarries," Bruhn said. "It was magical."
When Bruhn and Wolf first presented their findings to the medical community, you can imagine the kind of skepticism they faced. They went to conferences, where their peers were presenting long rows of data, arrayed in complex charts, and referring to this kind of gene or that kind of physiological process, and they talked instead about the mysterious and magical benefits of people stopping to talk to each other on the street and having three generations living under one roof. Living a long life, the conventional wisdom said at the time, depended to a great extent on who we were-that is, our genes. It depended on the decisions people made-on what they chose to eat, and how much they chose to exercise, and how effectively they were treated by the medical system. No one was used to thinking about health in terms of a place.
Wolf and Bruhn had to convince the medical establishment to think about health and heart attacks in an entirely new way: they had to get them to realize that you couldn't understand why someone was healthy if all you did was think about their individual choices or actions in isolation. You had to look beyond the individual. You had to understand what culture they were a part of, and who their friends and families were, and what town in Italy their family came from. You had to appreciate the idea that community-the values of the world we inhabit and the people we surround ourselves with-has a profound effect on who we are. The value of an outlier was that it forced you to look a little harder and dig little deeper than you normally would to make sense of the world. And if you did, you could learn something from the outlier than could use to help everyone else.
In Outliers, I want to do for our understanding of success what Stewart Wolf did for our understanding of health.
(Continues...)
Excerpted from "Outliers"
by Malcolm Gladwell.
Copyright (C) by Malcolm Gladwell.
Excerpted by permission.
All rights reserved. No part of this excerpt may be reproduced or reprinted without permission in writing from the publisher. Excerpts are provided by Dial-A-Book Inc. solely for the personal use of visitors to this web site.
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Got me an easy A in English Lit but otherwise, don't bother.
Sep/03/2010
This was a required book for my college English Lit class. It was an easy read and doing a report on it was also easy. However, after the opening hook, it relies on anecdotes and junk science. Read it for fun, and its few thought provoking moments. But if you are a parent, don't use this as a gauge for Little Johnny or Jane's future because they weren't born in the right time or at the right place. It's good for an A in an English class, but that's about all.
by Armymom
(Texas, USA)
Interesting Read About Factors Contributing To Success
Sep/01/2010
"Outliers" by Malcolm Gladwell is an extremely well-written, insightful, and fascinating evaluation of what external factors in a person's life lead to success or failure. The book also examines the effects culture has on people and how those effects influence peoples' lives.
Gladwell writes: "The sense of possibility so necessary for success comes not just from inside us or from our parents. It comes from our time: from the particular opportunities that our particular place in history presents us with."
Gladwell writes about the microcomputer revolution and tells us most successful entrepreneurs during that revolution were born in the mid-1950s. This made them just old enough to take advantage of the microcomputer revolution that began in the mid-1970s.
Gladwell concludes: "I don't mean to suggest, of course, that every software tycoon in Silicon Valley was born in 1955. Some weren't .... But there are very clearly patterns here, and what's striking is how little we seem to want to acknowledge them. We pretend that success is exclusively a matter of individual merit. ... Their success was not just of their own making. It was a product of the world in which they grew up."
Not only is the year of birth important, but, surprisingly, the month of birth is sometimes crucial too. In his outstanding chapter, "The Matthew Effect," Gladwell examines the months of birth of star athletes and shows that when junior sports have eligibility cut-off dates, the effects of those cut-off date propagates all the way up to the professional level of play.
For example, in Canada, most professional hockey players are born in January. The next most popular birth months are February and March. Forty percent of professional Canadian hockey players are born in these months. Thirty percent are born in the next three months of April to June, and only 20 percent are born between October and December. Why is this?
Gladwell explains: "It's simply that in Canada the eligibility cutoff for age-class hockey is January 1. A boy who turns ten on January 2, then, could be playing alongside someone who doesn't turn ten until the end of the year--and, at that age, in preadolescence, a twelve-month gap in age represents an enormous difference in physical maturity."
The implications of this sort of "self-fulfilling prophecy" are important to parents. Gladwell says parents often contemplate holding children who are born at the end of the calendar year back from kindergarten until they are a bit more mature. Gladwell says many parents probably decide to enroll the kids anyway because they assume any disadvantage the child suffers will go away with time. "But it doesn't. It's just like hockey. The small initial advantage that the child born in the early part of the year has over the child born at the end of the year persists. It locks children into patterns of achievement and underachievement, encouragement and discouragement, that stretch on and on for years[,]" concludes Gladwell.
Gladwell writes about the academic and career advantages children born to richer parents have over children born to less affluent parents. Richer parents and financially poor parents have markedly different parenting styles. Richer parents tend to cultivate their kids, shuttle them between different activities, encourage them to interact with the adult world, and advocate strongly for them. Gladwell says poorer parents often believe children will just grow up and develop on their own. They also view the child's world as relatively inconsequential and separate from their adult world. Impoverished parents are often intimidated by authority, so they don't seek special privileges for their children. Children from more affluent homes learn social skills that help them succeed in life. On the downside, children from more affluent homes are often more self-centered and, literally, spoiled.
What about the role of public or private education in determining how well children do? Gladwell addresses this in detail in a well-woven chapter titled "Marita's Bargain." He tells us the story of a young girl named Marita who attends an intensive school in the Bronx called KIPP Academy. The students put in massive amounts of time, and they do exceptionally well, especially in math. It reminded me of the film "Sand and Deliver." Come to school early, stay late, come in on Saturday, and work through the summer. Yep, that'll do it.
While many politicians talk about the need to improve schools in impoverished areas, Gladwell tells us the achievement gap between poorer and richer students actually occurs during summer vacation, when poorer students lose ground academically. Gladwell concludes: "Virtually all of the advantage that wealthy students have over poor students is the result of the differences in the way privileged kids learn while they are not in school. ... For its poorest students, America doesn't have a school problem. It has a summer vacation problem..." It becomes clear the majority of American students would benefit from much shorter summer vacations.
To be good in math requires effort. And, the cultures of many countries encourages students to work hard and instills the belief that if they work hard, they will learn. All students are expected to succeed. In America, by contrast, there is more of a false belief that talent in math is innate. Gladwell shows us that cultural differences can affect learning. Drawing upon the book "The Number Sense" by Stanislas Dehaene, we learn that Asians may have a built-in cultural advantage in learning math. In particular, the Chinese have shorter words for numbers, which allows them to remember more numbers.
For example, Gladwell tells us that only about half of Americans can remember the sequence of 4,8,5,3,9,7,6 after 20 seconds of study. Yet, nearly all Chinese can remember the sequence, because the Chinese language allows all those numbers to be said in a two-second period.
I highly recommend "Outliers" by Malcolm Gladwell. The book is very well written and packed with insight.
by Peter Hupalo
(MN United States)
That multiple factors contribute to an individual's likelihood of achieving success is clearly common sense.
Aug/29/2010
Although the factors author Malcolm Gladwell puts forth as coming into play and the data he uses to support his claims about outliers, which he describes as, (p 17), "men and women who do things that are out of the ordinary," are generally interesting, most are unsurprising. He contends that, (p 18) "there is something profoundly wrong with the way we make sense of success," and (p 19) "People don't rise from nothing...they are invariably the beneficiaries of hidden advantages and extraordinary opportunities and cultural legacies that allow them to learn and work hard and make sense of the world in ways that others cannot." One wouldn't need much more than a little common sense to conclude that a person needs more than just a high IQ to achieve success (the other required component he calls, "practical intelligence"). The same is true for such things as the fact that athletes (and students) with birth dates placing them on the elder end of the spectrum of those making up a pool of potential standouts in academics and athletics do better than their youngest peers. Having a special talent (low supply) at the right time in history (high demand) is also likely to yield benefits. That children of parents who teach them special skills; kids who place the value of hard work over that of innate intelligence; and those who spend a significant time practicing their craft (independent of their initial aptitude for it) have a higher chance of success is also no surprise.
My biggest gripe about the data, of which most of us know can often be framed with a little effort to support opposing views, is that about education. Specifically, Gladwell contends that (p 259) "[between] September and June...Schools work," in support of his claim that (p 258), "when it comes to reading skills, poor kids learn nothing when school is not in session." I agree that one of the reasons that other countries' students perform better than American kids academically is that their students' schools are in session longer, but I disagree wholeheartedly that kids from poor families do comparably well as those from middle and high income families during the school year. In my state, Washington, low-income students (those who qualify for free or reduced price lunch) overwhelmingly perform significantly worse on state tests (WASL/MSP) than those who don't by a wide margin in every tested subject and in every tested grade.
In summary, while Outliers provides food for thought (and plenty of facts and figures), Gladwell's primary contention, that several fortuitous circumstances combined trump one single significant factor when it comes to predicting a person's success, is simply sensible. Better: The Seven Habits of Highly Effective People by Steven Covey, Mountains Beyond Mountains by Tracy Kidder, and On the Ridge Between Life and Death by David Roberts.
by book snob
(Oak Harbor, WA USA)
Malcom Gladwell does it again
Aug/28/2010
Outliers is a fantastic read. If Gladwell started out this book with the intention of changing one's perspective on how success is achieved, he has without a doubt succeeded.
He breaks down success with the 10,000 hour rule and the legacy of culture, all of which make perfect sense. If you have not realized yet, Gladwell has the uncanny ability to point out things that we overlook. He does it flawlessly here with stories of successful software billionaires, lawyers and doctors.
An interesting bit in this book is as personal as it gets, Gladwell's breakdown of his mother as an outlier. A set of perfectly timed events centuries ago that result in her ending up in Canada.
The word Interesting does not do justice to this book. I highly recommend it.
by closet bookworm
(DKI Jakarta)
Intriguing book
Aug/27/2010
I was very intrigued by the first half of the book. Great ideas regarding the influence birthday cutoffs have on our future development path. However, the second half seemed to wander and I didn't feel there was a connection to the concepts presented in the first half.
I would recommend this book, but it didn't quite live up to the hype for me.
Rami
by Rami Shultz
()
Washington Post Review
<b>Malcolm Gladwell</b><br />
<i>Little, Brown</i><br />
ISBN 978-0316017923<br />
309 pages<br />
$27.99<br />
<hr style="margin:5px 0px" size="1" width="100%" color="#dddddd" />
<i>Reviewed by Howard Gardner</i>
<p>With his knack for spotting curious findings in the social sciences, his
vivid writing about phenomena that he has named ("The Tipping Point,"
"Blink"), his signature Afro and his star quality in public appearances,
Malcolm Gladwell stands out among contemporary writers: In his own
terms, he is one of the outliers -- "men and women who do things that
are out of the ordinary."</p>
<p>As an outlier, Gladwell turns conventional wisdom on its head. In much
of the world, particularly in the United States today, we attribute
success to the attributes of the individual. In other regions, and in
other eras, great achievements are attributed to luck or fate. But the
pendulum of explanation swings. Following a period in which it was
politically incorrect to invoke nature, we now find ourselves in an era
in which biological causes are all too readily cited.</p>
<p>By reconceptualizing the relationship between nature and nurture,
Gladwell performs a valuable service. He assembles a powerful brief in
favor of the argument that the time, place and resources available to
individuals and groups are decisive factors in their eventual success or
failure. In vintage Gladwellian fashion, he applies this lens to a
fascinating array of cases, many of them unfamiliar, and culminates with
an account of one outlier to whom he has special access: himself.</p>
<p>Gladwell is most persuasive when he examines single individuals or small
and easily defined groups. He reveals the reasons why star Canadian
hockey players are typically born in January, February or March; why
nearly all of the pioneers in hardware and software were born in the
United States in the middle 1950s; and, most astonishing, why 14 of the
75 richest persons in the history of the world were born in a single
country (the United States) and in a single decade (from 1831 to 1840).
Out of fairness to the author, I won't reveal what-dun-it. But here's a
hint for the latter two: Think of what else was happening in the world
when these people came of age.</p>
<p>Gladwell also presents an interesting analysis of why individuals who
might have become outliers fail to do so. He suggests why most of the
so-called geniuses discovered by Stanford psychologist Lewis Terman on
the basis of their sky-high IQs did not accomplish anything of
particular note; why Californians missed by Terman in the early 1900s
became presidents (Nixon) or Nobel prize winners (William Shockley); and
why the man reputed to be the smartest in the world, one Chris Langan,
is a ne'er-do-well. If certain forces in the environment raise the
likelihood of success (e.g., the birth of a new industry whose
requirements mesh with one's strengths), their absence (in the case of
Langan, few positive role models, mentors or peers with whom to
interact) can undermine its possibility.</p>
<p>When Gladwell turns his attention to the success of certain ethnic
groups, he is less persuasive. It is well known that Jews people became
leading lawyers in New York in the latter half of the 20th century, and
that Asian youth outscore other groups on tests of mathematical ability.
In attempting to tease out the contributory factors, Gladwell stresses
that Jewish parents were often in the garment industry and that for
centuries Chinese had to eke out a living in tiny rice paddies. "What
redeemed the life of a rice farmer," he notes "was the nature of that
work. It was a lot like the garment work by the Jewish immigrants to New
York. ... There is a clear relationship in rice farming between effort
and reward." These examples seem contrived. Gladwell wants to link the
way that Jews and Asians went about prototypical jobs with the outsized
achievements of their progeny. In my view, the long-lived, continuous
survival of these literate ethnic groups is far more likely the cause of
their children's success than the kind of work that happened to be done
by earlier generations.</p>
<p>At times, in his laudable effort to critique biological arguments,
especially the idea that talent is dispensed by the luck of the genetic
draw, Gladwell goes too far. He is enamored of the claim in the
psychological literature that expertise depends on 10 years and 50,000
hours of practice. That may be generally correct. But researchers
conveniently do not consider what it takes to apply oneself so
assiduously and, in particular, why one would want to work so hard if
one was not progressing rapidly to the head of the class. Yo-Yo Ma did
not just practice a lot; his progress from one lesson to another, from
one concert to the next, was spectacular. And so, too, for Tiger Woods,
Pablo Picasso, Albert Einstein and other famous outliers.</p>
<p>Gladwell places the nature of talent inside a lock box, conceding its
importance but making no effort to explain what it is or how it emerges.
That is unfortunate because, in the end, practice does not suffice for
the most remarkable achievements. Only as we discover just what it is in
the genes, the brain, the personality and the motivational system that
distinguishes Mozart from Salieri or Chris Langan from other high-IQ
types such as, for instance, the great mathematician John von Neumann or
the unabomber Theodore Kaczyinski, will we fill in the untold chapters
of the outlier story.</p>
<p>Still, Gladwell reveals his special genius in the remarkable trilogy
completed by "Outlier." It is not in defining a problem: The phenomena
he studies have long fascinated laypeople and scholars. Nor is it in
providing a tight, scientific synthesis: That achievement belongs to the
rare, focused scholar. Rather, it is in spotting remarkable jewels in
the vast rock collection of social-science research and placing them
expertly into an exquisite setting. Alas, his autobiographical coda to
the book does not reveal how he has attained this singular skill; the
secret of his talent remains to be explicated, secure for the time being
in its lockbox. But we do understand far better the familial, historical
and cultural factors that made one Malcolm Gladwell possible.</p>
<p>Howard Gardner is the author of many books, including "Creating Minds"
and "Extraordinary Minds."</p>